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- Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research, Vol 6, No 3 (2005)
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- Denazification in Soviet-occupied Germany, 1945–1949.
- Emma in Buttonland.
- The World Beyond the Pale;
- Ancient Near East: The Basics!
- Danza de lealtad (Spanish Edition)?
Close Print. Februar Timothy S. From "" to the "Global s": The Problem of Historical Periodization The recent fortieth-year anniversary of brought with it a major wave of scholarly publications. A "Generation of "? Normative Models and Geographic Scope The problem of periodization takes on another layer when the lens is widened to encompass regions outside Europe and North America.
From Student Politics to Popular Culture, Counterculture, and Beyond If student politics have figured heavily in analyses of "," for obvious reasons, the importance of the realm of popular and underground culture — the counterculture, subcultural groupings, popular music, the arts, DIY production — is only more slowly coming into focus. Conclusion The growing focus in the literature on new actors and venues of activism outside the realm of student organizations and universities suggests the importance of a broader conception of politics in the upheavals of the s.
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Brown , Transnational and Global Perspectives, Version: 1. Transnational and Global Perspectives,. Version: 1. Literaturempfehlungen 7. Legend and Legacy. Davis, Belinda Hrsg. Katsiaficas, George N. Poiger, Uta, Generations. Poiger, Uta G. Suri, Jeremi, Power and protest: global revolution and the rise of detente , Cambridge, Mass. Online-Artikel 2 aus den "Zeithistorischen Forschungen". Web-Ressourcen 5. Archiv Soziale Bewegungen. Die 68er-Bewegung. Rezensionen 2. Niese, K. Tagungsberichte 5. Brent McDonnell.
Reform oder Revolte? Wertewandel zwischen Moderne und Postmoderne. Neue Schlaglichter auf den gesellschaftlich-kulturellen Wandel seit den er Jahren. Vom Ereignis zum Mythos, Frankfurt am Main Ingrid Gilcher-Holtey, Expanded version as a special electronic rerprint: Berliner Debatte Initial, elektronische Sonderausgabe 20, 1 , pp.
Such approaches inevitably entail the inclusion of events — the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. See also Martin Sabrow ed. Die 60er Jahre in den beiden deutschen Gesellschaften, Hamburg Paul, Minnesota, October 4, Der Kampf um die Deutungsmacht, Berlin Brown, East and West. The ratio for books published in English in the same period is 63 on Hume and on Kant.
Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research, Vol 6, No 3 (2005)
Geoffrey Hawthorn Princeton, NJ, , pp. Levy and George Kateb. Instead, I am particularly interested in what happens when we call into question the distinction between morality, often associated with restrictive if not repressive regimes of bourgeois or petty bourgeois morality, on the one hand, and the allegedly more respectable and dignified realm of ethics, on the other. What I encourage is therefore not an analysis of abstract ethical ideals but an exploration of the entanglement of, and the shady areas between, on the one hand, manners and civility, and on the other, sociability and the political.
Historians, in other words, need not turn into philosophers; instead they have something to offer to the minority Downloaded from gh. This is known as normative reasoning.
Department of European Studies & Modern Languages, Unit Catalogue 2002/03
Another attempts to describe the morals, ethics and evaluative procedures that individuals and occasionally communities in fact adhere to, putting aside the question of whether those values are really worth having. This line of reasoning is descriptive rather than normative. Although this distinction between normative and descriptive ways of reasoning appears to be self-evident, the boundaries are often blurred. Close to three centuries of reflections on not just the inevitability, but the necessity of inherently subjective viewpoints and vantage points for any form of historical knowledge suggests that this is impossible.
Andrews and Carl A. Marsden eds , Tomorrow in the Making New York, , pp. Peter Ley Stuttgart , pp. Clumsy Democrats: Moral Passions in the Federal Republic fantasies and fears, desires and demons that emerge out of the moral dramas and moral incommensurabilities of our present rather than putting them aside when we write the history of moral passions in postwar Germany.
To study the entanglement of democracy and intimacy in postwar Germany from the vantage point of moral history seems particularly compelling in the light of the fact that historians have begun to reject interpretations of Nazism and of fascism and Stalinism as amoral and barbaric. Unless we acknowledge the moral foundation of Nazism we cannot begin to understand the twisted paths Germans took as they came to embrace democracy as a way of life. The essay first appeared in Heinz Haller et al. Frankfurt, , vol. True, by , a general disenchantment with the idea of liberal democracy could be found all over Western Europe as well as in the United States.
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Both countries voluntarily dismantled representative government, the rule of law and liberal institutions generally Downloaded from gh. Jean Hytier Paris, , pp. Italien und Deutschland — Berlin, , pp. Clumsy Democrats: Moral Passions in the Federal Republic If some of the following arguments are relevant for a more general understanding of liberal democracy, there are also elements to the story that are peculiar to postwar Germany.
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Unlike other postwar Europeans, West Germans could not invoke a rich memory of popular resistance against Nazism in order to salvage national traditions. As a result, their sense of moral catastrophe and rupture was more pressing. Take the Polish writer Tadeusz Borowski, who survived more than two years in Auschwitz and other camps. They had come like the crusaders to conquer and convert the European continent, and after they had finally set- tled in the occupation zones, they proceeded with dead seriousness to teach the distrustful, obstinate German bourgeoisie the democratic game of baseball and to instil in them the principles of profit-making by exchanging cigarettes, chewing gum, contraceptives and chocolate bars for cameras, gold teeth, watches and women.
Adorno, Problems of Moral Philosophy, ed. Thomas Schroder, trans. Rodney Livingstone Stanford, , p. At the time, Borowski was at work on his book, This Way for the Gas, Ladies and Gentlemen, short stories about daily life in Auschwitz. We said that there is no crime that a man will not commit in order to save himself.
And, having saved himself, he will commit crimes for increasingly trivial reasons; he will commit them first out of duty, then from habit, and finally—for pleasure. We told them with much relish all about our difficult, patient, concentration-camp existence which had taught us that the whole world is really like the concentration camp; the weak work for the strong, and if they have no strength or will to work—then let them steal, or let them die. The world is ruled by neither justice nor morality; crime is not punished nor virtue rewarded, one is for- Downloaded from gh.
The world is ruled by power and power is obtained with money. To work is senseless, because money cannot be obtained through work but through exploitation of others. And if we cannot exploit as much as we wish, at least let us work as little as we can. Moral duty? We believe neither in the morality of man, nor in the morality of systems.
In German cities the store windows are filled with books and religious objects, but the smoke from the crematoria still hovers above the forests. In a public lecture of February , she based her reflections on moral philosophy on the insight that both Nazism and Stalinism had called into question the apparently self-evident distinctions between right and wrong.
The dazzling riches of the economic miracle could not exorcize the ghosts this moral cataclysm had engendered. Abigail Pollak, New York, And yet this inversion of morality had happened, and it is therefore hardly surprising that moral doubts, fears and questions were at the heart of larger postwar European obsessions of how to establish stable democracies and avoid repeating the political breakdowns of the interwar period. As a point of departure I think we need to abandon these concepts.
Such inherently teleological and normatively charged categories, alas, have a way of changing from valiant attempts at interpretation into opiates. While citizens of most countries pride themselves on being different, postwar Germans since have longed to be normal. While it is determined by external social factors including class, the individual simultaneously creates his or her own habitus.
In the rave milieu this occurs in a creative appropriation of fashion and current dance routines, which Klein sees as a process akin to traditional mimesis. Its easy accessibility has led to it becoming a means of mass communication. It can be sampled for purposes that take it far beyond its traditional borders and which influence everyday life itself. This has led to a democratisation of art. Techno is accordingly heralded by its supporters as a DIY culture in which everyone can take part.
We live in a post-material age of artificiality and virtuality to which everyone has access. It is also evident, according to Klein, on the dance floor itself. It is no longer a small floor in front of a stage on which the band plays down to its audience. There is a new relationship between the dancers, one in which sexual hierarchy is dissolved. No more do the male voyeurs stand around the edge of the dance floor waiting to pounce on the female bounty in the middle.
Rather everybody dances with everybody. Further evidence of the democratising principle of rave is cited with regard to its celebration of body culture. This is seen in the physical abandon and exhibitionism of the ravers.
This rediscovery of the body has been paralleled by the shift of technology from factories to the place of urban amusement. No longer required for industrial labour, the body acquires a new creative significance in the new dance locations of leisure time. In this light, in a society of increasing atomisation, the rave could be said to symbolize a new decentred market place.
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Both carnival and rave are essentially apolitical, rather aesthetic revolts. Both are temporary deviations from everyday social normality, both taking place within carefully delineated spatial and temporal parameters. The rave, as Jankowski writes, is a reaction to atomisation and increased isolation of the individual in society, the show of body sensuality an ironic display of unrealisable community experiences By comparison, the carnival with its inversion of roles e.
These in turn say a lot about their respective societies. In carnival the mask was a parody of the official mask of seriousness and authority. Both masks symbolize transformation. The carnival swapping of roles reflects the utopian longing for change, while the techno mask denotes that the raver can be anyone he or she wants to be — everyone can be a star!.
Everyone can be together. Where the comparison falters, however, is in the image of carnivalesque grotesque which is absent in rave. In this respect the Love Parade has more in common with the more stylised Venetian carnival. If the carnivalesque grotesque with its associations of death is missing from the image mainstream rave projects of itself, an intrinsically darker side lurks not far beneath the surface.
Just as the LSD hippy culture descended into the darkness of Altamont, the European techno scene of the early 90s — after the initial euphoric utopianism — plummeted into a dystopian darkness as the effects of drug misuse took hold. For Nietzsche, Dionysus was the god of frenzy, oblivion and decadence, while Apollo presided over logic, light and clarity.
Indeed, the absence of this darker, dystopian side to rave and the rejection of the class argument is typical of much academic writing on techno in Germany. These tend to highlight the happy smiley hedonism of the Love Parade. Nobody loses out. Jankowski addresses this with a hint of irony:. Eine gelunge Revolte — ohne Opfer The cultural industry and its consumers therefore share power in a dynamic democratic relationship. Continually in flux, these are no longer defined in terms of what divides them but what joins them Klein ff. Such theories are, however, so abstract and general that the tensions between social and aesthetic groups within rave itself with their style and philosophical deviations become peripheralized.
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It illustrates how rave is no different from previous pop movements in the crucial respect that it is only ever a few hipsters for whom the acquisition of culture is a genuinely creative act. Klein does not embrace this. Not that everybody can even afford a computer! While the rave may provide a model of a functioning democracy, it can increasingly only be enjoyed by an elite minority with the money to take part.
With this in mind let us continue to look at distinctive aspects of German techno. Their anarchic philosophy was influenced by the writings of Hakim Bey, for example, his The Temporary Autonomous Zone summarized here by Reynolds:. Embarked upon a course of confrontation with the British authorities, they were arrested at the Castlemorton festival in After only three weeks in Berlin they had already had their 15, decible PA system confiscated by the police Kugler Their neighbours on the former death-strip were the scrap-art group Mutoid Waste Company with whom they put on techno fiestas combining visual art and music.
According to this, society is no longer governed by a basic class conflict but is subdivided in a more complex way. Mille Plateaux represents the search for this new space in music. This has a numbing effect on the listener. The less overtly politicized Oval albeit a non- Mille Plateaux act have a likewise deconstructionist approach, as in their use of samples of noises a CD makes when painted-over with a felt pen Ovalprocess , Zomba Records Similarly Mike Inc: the fifth unnamed track on his album Gas forms a diffusely cloudy sound with an endlessly looped unresolving dominant seventh chord Gas , Mille Plateaux